The US: Not Merely Europe's Reluctant Ally, But a Adversary Rooted in Right-Wing Ideology

On the exact date Donald Trump was presented with a tailor-made "peace prize" from his recent friend, FIFA president "Johnny" Infantino, his government released an similarly flamboyant security policy document. This fairly brief paper is saturated with pure Trump and Trumpism. It opens with the typically humble assertion that the president has brought back "the United States and the globe – back from the brink of catastrophe and ruin."

Even though the strategy largely codifies the ongoing actions and statements of Trump and his team, it must be heeded as a serious warning for the international community, and for the European continent in particular.

A Strategy of Intervention and Civilizational Anxiety

The document advocates for an aggressive form of foreign-policy meddling where the US clearly sets the goal of "fostering European greatness." Its rhetoric could have been lifted directly from speeches by the Hungarian Prime Minister during the much-discussed migration emergency of 2015-16: "Our desire is for Europe to stay European, to regain its civilizational self-assurance." More worryingly, the document claims that Europe's "financial downturn is eclipsed by the genuine and more stark prospect of cultural extinction."

The whole section dedicated to Europe is steeped in generations of European right-wing dogma and rhetoric. The EU and its migration policies are blamed for "transforming the continent and causing strife, censorship of free speech and suppression of political opposition, cratering birthrates, and loss of national identities and self-belief." According to the document, if "current trajectories continue, the continent will be unrecognizable in 20 years or less. As such, it is far from obvious whether certain European countries will have economic power and armed forces strong enough to be dependable allies." In fact, the Trump administration believes that "in a matter of years at the latest, certain NATO members will become predominantly non-European."

"American diplomacy should continue to stand up for authentic democracy, free speech, and unapologetic celebrations of European nations’ unique heritage and history."

Core Theories of the Far Right

These arguments carry strong overtones of two concepts regarded as foundational for contemporary far-right circles. The first is Oswald Spengler's "The Decline of the West," whose thesis on the inevitable fall of civilizations was employed by the German far right to criticise the "perversion" and "enfeeblement" of the democratic Weimar Republic. The second is "Le Grand Remplacement," published in 2011 by French novelist Renaud Camus, who translated long-existing "native" fears into a more explicit conspiracy theory, accusing European elites of using immigration to replace rebellious "indigenous" populations and import a more docile and dependent electorate.

It is the nativist fever dream contained in both ideas that gives the Trump administration the right, if not the duty, to interfere in European affairs, the document suggests. And it is evident where it sees its allies: "The United States encourages its political allies in Europe to advance this resurgence of spirit, and the increasing influence of nationalist European parties indeed gives cause for significant hope."

The Goal: "Make Europe Great Again"

Put simply, the US believes that it is essential to its national security to "Make Europe great again," and that the European far right is the only political force that can achieve this. Therefore, its "broad policy for Europe" prioritises "cultivating opposition to Europe’s present path within European nations" – understood as the far right – and "building up the robust nations of central, eastern, and southern Europe" – in particular "nations in agreement that want to reclaim their past glory" – a clear reference to Hungary and Italy.

While the document stays vague on methods, it is apparent that a key aim is to push Europe to adopt a sweeping policy on freedom of speech, closer to the US model – especially regarding far-right speech – and not limited to social media. Another is to normalize relations with Russia; or, as the document calls it, to "reestablish strategic stability with Russia." Although the country is not explicitly called a future ally, the Trump administration evidently does not regard Russia as an adversary either.

A Historical Precedent: The Monroe Doctrine

In a wider context, the national security strategy takes its inspiration less from the idealized US of the 1950s and more from the Monroe Doctrine of 1823. Articulated by President James Monroe, this cautioned European powers not to interfere in the "western hemisphere," which he declared to be the US’s sphere of interest. The Trump administration’s policy document vows to "assert and enforce a Trump addition" to the Monroe Doctrine, which entails the US "enlisting" countries worldwide that wish to help protect US national interests.

This is entirely new – consider JD Vance’s address at the 2025 Munich Security Conference, where the vice-president unleashed an ideological attack on Europe’s democratic model. But perhaps now that it is laid out in an official document, European leaders will at last realize that the stance is serious. And if the document is too lengthy or imprecise for them, it can be summarised in plain and succinct terms: the current US government believes that its national security is best served by the demise of liberal democracy in Europe. In other words, the US is not just an reluctant ally; it is a willing adversary. Now is time to respond appropriately.

Madison Adams
Madison Adams

A passionate writer and artist who shares insights on creativity and mindful living, drawing from years of experience in various creative fields.